“The Big Lie”
National Socialism, as the German people do not know it. An eyewitness report by H. May.
Foreword
The decision of the war has long been made, even though the guns have not yet fallen silent and the enemy bombers daily bring unspeakable suffering and misery to the German people. Only a cloud-cuckoo-lander can still believe in victory. But I am shaken when I repeatedly have to realize how great the number of those is who still believe in Hitler’s regime and mourn him. Large parts of the Reich are already occupied. The party with its ranks is being dissolved everywhere. Further activity will be punished.
However, this alone is not enough. The delusions of the “Third Reich” must be extinguished in the hearts of the German people. Only when this has been achieved is the goal reached. It is necessary to present to every German the brutalities and bestial cruelties committed by this regime. During radio lectures, which are intended to serve this purpose, I have repeatedly heard, “that’s a communist speaking, it’s all lies and propaganda.”
I believe that here a great task arises for the old idealists. Those who once came to this movement in a selfless manner and helped build it up at great personal sacrifice, those who recognized the wrong direction early on and foresaw the coming catastrophe, who tried to influence responsibility but soon realized that the “others” had long taken control. Those who gradually became numb and today are among the greatest haters of this movement. I too belong to those old ones and hope that I will be given the opportunity to help extinguish the terrible false doctrine in the hearts of those still blinded.
Hitler’s doctrine is the greatest lie in world history. Never has a person burdened with so much guilt walked the earth […]
This book describes details of the murder of more than 300,000 people. The reader may at times think they are dealing with the spawn of a madman. I assure you that in writing this, I have adhered to my own perceptions with reasonable certainty. After careful consideration, I have decided to name all those who are relevant. They appear as witnesses in part, but also as accused. I would make myself guilty before the German people if I protected those who have helped tarnish the honor of our people in such a shameful manner.
February 1945
The author
[…]
The grievances I observed in the Polish territory of Warthegau, I had presented to the district leader countless times. Since no action was taken, I decided to personally present these matters to the Gauleiter Greiser, as I assumed that much of it was unknown to him.
On May 1, 1944, I wrote a seven-page report and sent it to Gauleiter Greiser by registered mail with the addition: “Private.” Some time later, District Leader Becht came to me and said he had received my letter addressed to the Gauleiter. He had been asked if I suffered from senility. Becht said that the return of property taken from the Poles as demanded by me could not be carried out, as such an action could be interpreted as weakness on our part. The Gauleiter’s adjutant had said I was known as a troublemaker.
I had not expected any change in the measures taken when writing the report, because I knew only too well that the party officials considered themselves infallible in their decisions. Nevertheless, I felt it was my duty to present these matters to the appropriate authorities. Let fate take its course.
I heard nothing for a long time, until one day in autumn, District Leader Becht came to me in an agitated state and said: Serious allegations have been made against you to the Gauleiter. Why didn’t you let me read the report you sent to the Gauleiter before?” I told him that I had only done what my conscience dictated. I further told him that I saw things very darkly for Germany and that my personal fate seemed insignificant compared to that. Becht could not understand how lightly I took the matter.
Chapter III.
The Great Jewish Massacre
In the autumn of 1941, the district forester STAEGEMEIR stationed at the Ladorudz forest lodge informed me that a special commando had arrived in Kulmhof (Chelmo) requesting firewood. Staegemeir had a strangely serious expression when he relayed this information, which I initially didn’t pay much attention to. As Reichsmarschall Goering was scheduled to attend a hunt in the Kolo district, I assumed it was a commando that had arrived to protect him. I instructed the official to provide the firewood.
Some time later, I traveled from Kulmhof to Kolo with the district administrator and district leader Becht. As we drove through the forest, Becht, pointing towards Section 77, said, “Soon your trees will grow better.” When I looked at him questioningly, he replied that the Jews make good fertilizer. I wanted to know more, but Becht acted very mysteriously and changed the subject. I pondered his mysterious hints for a long time but found no explanation. I dismissed the emerging suspicion that a terrible action against the Jews was to be carried out here because common sense could not fathom it. I recalled the behavior of district forester Staegemeir when he made the report, but I found no explanation for it and tried to forget about the matter. I was not yet familiar with the full brutality and cruelty of the Nazi regime.
A few weeks later, my youngest son came home from school on vacation. I picked him up on a business trip that passed through Kolo Kulmhof. At hunting lodge 77 (the road runs along the border of the hunting lodge), a large, locked truck lay in the ditch. A second truck was attached to it and was trying to pull the truck back onto the road. The road was blocked off. My son got out of the car and approached the men, dressed in police uniforms, who were dealing with the vehicles. Shortly after, I heard that my son was reprimanded by the officers, so I got out of the car and went over to the vehicles too. The truck in the ditch was about 4 meters long and 2 meters high, with an iron rail and a padlock on the back. A peculiar, unpleasant smell emanated from the truck and from the men. When I asked if the road would soon be clear again, I received an unfriendly response that they would move the vehicle aside and I should make sure I could get through.
A few days later, my son was in Kolo. Upon his return, he told me that Jews were being rounded up by gendarme officers and taken away in trucks. I immediately recalled Becht’s statement and now had no doubt that the terrible thing I couldn’t believe at the first suspicion was happening in the Ladorudz forest. Upon an immediate telephone inquiry with district forester Staegemeir about what was happening in his forest, the gendarme officer told me that hunting lodge 77 was completely sealed off by gendarmes. When he approached the posts during a service trip, they signaled to him to turn back immediately and leave the area, as otherwise he could expect to be shot. The posts were instructed to shoot at anyone who approached Section 77. Staegemeir couldn’t tell me anything else on the phone. I asked him to stay home and immediately drove to his office. On the road, I saw more locked trucks turning into Section 77. Section 77 consists of dense pine forest and young stands about 12 to 15 years old.
Staegemeir explained to me that there was a strong gendarmerie unit stationed in Kulmhof. The castle standing at the west exit of Kulmhof had been surrounded by a high wooden fence. Gendarmerie posts stood at the entrance with rifles. Continuously, trucks with Jews drove into the castle courtyard, and in the same order, these tall, completely sealed wagons returned from the castle to hunting lodge 77.
When I asked what all this meant, Staegemeir shrugged and said he didn’t know. There was a rumor going around that Jews were being poisoned with gas in this castle and buried in Section 77. It was just a rumor. Whether it was true, he didn’t know, but he urgently asked me not to speak to anyone about it, as anyone who talked about it would be shot immediately.
On the way back to the forestry office, I drove through Kulmhof and found Staegemeir’s information regarding the wooden fence and the posts confirmed. In Kulmhof itself, several trucks were lined up one after the other, which were provisionally covered with sheets. The trucks were crowded with men, women, and children. When I paused for a moment, a gendarme immediately approached me and rudely said that stopping was prohibited, and I should continue driving immediately. The officers did not make a good impression; they looked rough and cruel.
During my brief stop, I saw that the front truck drove up to the wooden fence, upon which the two guards opened the gate. The truck disappeared into the castle courtyard, immediately after which another sealed truck left the courtyard and drove in the direction of the forest, whereupon the two guards immediately closed the gate again.
There was now no longer the slightest doubt that something unprecedentedly horrifying was happening here in humanity.
Many nights I couldn’t sleep. I also had no one to talk to about it. It was clear to me that Becht was informed about these events. He could also make important statements as a witness.
I was outraged that a part of my forestry office was cordoned off without being consulted or even notified, and I informed the inspection officer about this during my next visit to the forestry office. He also found this behavior outrageous and advised me to complain to the district administrator. He himself would present the matter to the chief forester in Posen.
I refrained from complaining to the district administrator myself because, after the conversation that took place, I did not expect any success from it. Instead, I waited for intervention from the state forestry office. But I heard nothing from there either. I was clear that what was happening here was ordered by high-level authorities.
During my next visit to the Ladorudz forestry office, I talked extensively with Staegemeir about the events and asked him if he had learned anything new. Staegemeir told me that the secretary of the district commissioner of Kulmhof (the building was located near the old castle) had been arrested by the commando and had disappeared without a trace. He was supposed to have written something about the events in a letter.
On the way back, I drove through Kulmhof again, even though it meant a detour for me, and as I passed by, I saw that the doors of the Catholic church next to the castle were wide open, and there were large piles of worn clothes in the church. The rest of the scene was the same as I had seen before: in Kulmhof itself, a row of buses packed with people and on the road to the forest, the sealed large trucks. Everywhere in the air was the same repulsive smell that I had first noticed near the overturned truck. As I later learned, it was a disinfectant against typhus.
Around the castle in Kulmhof itself lived German and Polish farmers who went about their work and observed the mysterious events daily. The building of the district commissioner had meanwhile been evacuated and occupied by part of the special commando.
During this second drive through Kulmhof, I saw four young people who were tied at the ankles with thin steel chains and were accompanied by a gendarme with a rifle. The four people were emaciated and trudged across the street with blank faces.
In the population, not a word was spoken about what was happening inside the old castle, and yet it had become a public secret what was happening here.
The special commando held large drinking parties. Liquor and cognac flowed freely. Initially, the Jews in the district of Kolo were killed. Many fled to other districts, but few escaped the horrifying fate, as each district was targeted in turn. At the same time, the Jews crowded into the Lodz camp, who were sick with typhus or suspected of being so, were brought to Kulmhof.
When there were no more Jews in the surrounding villages, they were transported by narrow-gauge railway to Kolo. From there, they marched on foot to an old building near the Powierzy estate forest, from where they were transported to Kulmhof by truck.
In the harsh winter of 1941/42, there were horrifying scenes. I saw a train of these unfortunate people marching through Kolo. Men, women, children, and the elderly. Behind the column, a horse-drawn wagon followed, apparently intended to pick up those who couldn’t keep up. Near the post office, I saw a woman carrying a small, seemingly only a few months old child, slip and fall. The child was probably already half frozen, as I heard no crying. A man from the accompanying group grabbed the child by one leg and flung it onto the wagon like a piece of wood.
Some, whose knees were trembling with fear and cold and who could no longer keep pace with the train, were driven forward by rough blows with rifle butts.
I saw two pretty, well-dressed girls who had taken an emaciated woman into their midst. It was probably their mother. The two girls dragged the woman forward laboriously. When they could no longer continue and the woman collapsed on the street, the two girls tried to help her back on her feet. In doing so, they fell slightly behind the train. One of the accompanying gendarmes immediately rushed towards the group and shouted, “Filthy Jewish scum, you want to be carried, don’t you?”
Many nights I tossed restlessly on my bed. I couldn’t sleep. Again and again, this terrible image stood before my eyes.
Silently, people stand on the streets and watch this sad procession. Germans and Poles. I cannot understand why these people do not all scream in wild outrage and beat this beast apart. But do I have a right to wonder about this? I myself do nothing. A wrong word means death. There is no justice in the Warthegau anymore. The person in question is taken by the special commando and is erased forever.
But one thing I know, I will never believe in a God again if this regime should win this war.
Later, probably to shield the public from these images, the people were transported from Kolo station by the narrow-gauge railway to the Powierzy estate, unloaded here, and brought to the aforementioned isolated house.
When I had official business at the Powierzy estate management once, I walked through the estate park to the unloading point of the narrow-gauge railway and observed the hustle and bustle, standing behind a hedge for some time. The people were gathered on a dirt road behind the estate to be loaded onto a train. Some sick individuals lay beside the narrow-gauge railway in the grass. They were attended to by others who brought them something to drink and tried to provide relief. When the train was assembled, two gendarmes appeared and drove the sick individuals forward with blows from their batons.
One who had been caring for the sick exclaimed indignantly, “This is not how you treat livestock.” I could tell from the language that he was German. One of the officers raised his pistol at the protester. I think he intended to frighten him, but then a shot rang out. The man collapsed. He tried to get up again but fell back down, resting his head on the rail. Bright red, frothy blood poured from his mouth. The sick individuals rose in horror and staggered toward the train. One couldn’t make it and fell again. Another shot, and he didn’t rise again. The officers pulled four Jews from the train. They had to load the two men who had been shot onto a nearby truck. I heard one of the officers say, “Dirty pigs.”
In the spring of 1942, I was sent to the State Forestry Office in Posen for official duties. There, I was informed that I should report to the Reich Governorate to see SS-Oberführer Dr. Mehlhorn. I went there. SS-Oberführer Dr. Mehlhorn told me that I surely knew what was being done in Kulmhof. At the same time, he emphasized once again the strict confidentiality, as otherwise, the death penalty would be inevitable. Then he told me that the leader of the special commando, SS-Sturmbannführer Bothmann, was tasked with contacting me regarding the reforestation of the burial fields established in section 77. Mehlhorn told me that these graves must be securely camouflaged under all circumstances. He added: “In the worst case, we may also have to pass them off as murdered ethnic Germans.”
From this statement, it became clear to me how Goebbels arrived at the figure of 60,000 murdered ethnic Germans. The photographs and images published in illustrated magazines of murdered ethnic Germans mostly consisted of Poles and Jews who had been shot in the forests. Oberforstmeister Kranold from the State Forestry Office in Posen once told me that 30,000 Poles had been shot in the forests under his jurisdiction. Mehlhorn also told me that section 77 must be enclosed with a barbed wire fence. The entire camouflage needed to be done urgently and immediately. The instruction apparently came from a higher authority. Perhaps it is related to Katyn. However, this is only my speculation.
After a few days, the leader of the special commando, SS-Sturmbannführer Bothmann, appeared to discuss the implementation of the camouflage work with me. I noticed that Bothmann was wearing the War Merit Cross 1st Class with Swords. I went with Bothmann to section 77 and entered this terrible place with horror for the first time.
On a clearing, which had been expanded by deforestation, I first see a grave about 200 meters long and 5 meters wide. The grave is covered with an earth mound about 2 meters high. A little further away is another grave of about 50 meters in length. On another clearing, about 50 meters away, there is a grave about 150 meters long. This grave was covered about 3/4 of its length. The end facing away from me was still open. I dared not go there and take a look inside. Soon after, another sealed truck appeared, which drove to the open spot of the grave and backed up close to the grave.
The truck was opened, and I saw a heap of naked bodies tumbling out. I stood about 80 meters away from the truck. Under the guidance of an officer, a number of busy workers with bare upper bodies rushed over to throw the bodies into the grave. Bothmann told me that they were being stacked precisely, as otherwise too few would fit in. Perpendicular to this grave, a motor-driven excavator with a conveyor belt worked on excavating another grave. The covering of the graves was also done with a motor-driven conveyor belt.
About 30 people, young and middle-aged men, worked in the square. They all worked with their upper bodies exposed. Bothmann told me that he rotated the workers every week. They would be “taken care of,” and he would constantly select new laborers from the newly transported Jews. The workers were chained at the ankles with thin steel chains, allowing them to walk but not run quickly.
Bothmann said it often happened that people would say after one or more days that they could not continue the work and asked to be shot. He would mark a cross on their backs with a red pencil. That was a signal for the guards to shoot them in the evening. They had to lie face down on the ground and would be finished off with a shot to the head from behind. Those who did not work diligently also received a cross from him. I saw the workers eating dry bread during a break. After the break, they were driven back to work with sticks.
Another man in a captain’s uniform joined the square and mentioned his name. I didn’t remember his name. The man had the bloated face of a drunkard and debaucher. He also wore the War Merit Cross First Class with Swords. Bothmann told me that he was responsible for the “work” in the castle. Bothmann himself was in charge of the whole operation.
The police captain explained that he had given strict instructions to lock the trucks with a padlock before leaving the castle. Along the way, the rear doors had opened, and the “hot loaves” had fallen onto the street. Although they had immediately cordoned off the street, the civilian population had still seen various things, and as a result, some details had come to light.
There were guards with rifles and submachine guns stationed everywhere on the clearings. Bothmann told me they were excellent marksmen. He also mentioned that there had been several attempts by some to run away. However, they hadn’t gotten far, as they were met with bullets from these skilled shooters. Once, during the evening march, one person was missing during the headcount. The guards claimed that no one had run away. After a long search, they found him hiding under a bundle of brushwood. Naturally, he was promptly killed.
I ordered a large quantity of gorse seeds from a collection point to sow the area with them. In between, pine and birch trees were to be planted. I couldn’t resist telling my wife about what had happened and what I had heard. The next day, she said to me, “Why did you tell me that? Now I can’t sleep at night.” I regretted not keeping silent. But I had to talk to someone about these things at some point.
Accompanying Bothmann was another man in the uniform of a chief sergeant named Plaate, who made a very unfavorable and sly impression.
When I saw the burial sites again during the construction of a barbed wire fence in the summer of 1942 with Bothmann, there was a nauseatingly sweet and strong smell over the entire area. I had to hold my nose and leave the site as quickly as possible. Bothmann also pointed out large round bulges that had formed on the long graves, from which, upon closer inspection in the sunlight, a light mist could be seen rising. Bothmann told me that 250,000 were buried there, but at least another 100,000 were yet to be placed in the area.
One day, Bothmann appeared at the forestry office and told me that he had received instructions from high authority to burn all the bodies. He had already exposed part of the graves and attempted to burn the bodies with termite bombs. He now wanted to try to carry out the operation with firewood and requested large quantities of it. The burning with termite bombs caused a forest fire, in which a portion of the thicket surrounding the burial ground burned down. The charred stands were not allowed to be cleared because otherwise, there would have been a view of the burial ground from the road.
For the delivery of the requested firewood, I turned to the state forestry office, where I was instructed to deliver the wood.
I first had all possible young stands cleared and delivered large quantities of poles and brushwood. However, this was not sufficient, and I had to supply rough timber. Eventually, the consumption became so great that I resorted to clear-cutting in older stands. It seemed that high authorities placed the greatest emphasis on quick execution, as the burning was carried out day and night.
For months, a terrible smell hung over the entire area. With a west wind, the foul odor could be detected as far as the Bilice forestry house, which is approximately 15 km in a straight line from the burial sites.
While constructing the barbed wire fence, I once spoke with a gendarme chief sergeant. If I recall correctly, his name was Lenz. He seemed like a simple, honest man. I was curious to know how he felt about being involved in this terrible activity for many months. He spoke of this duty as if it were the most decent and honest work. He told me, among other things, that during the severe winter of 1941/42, it was very difficult because the ground was frozen very deeply, and they didn’t have a backhoe and motor yet. Initially, they removed the typhus patients. They couldn’t use these patients to unload the bodies because they were too weak. Ultimately, they had no choice but to use boys aged 14 to 16. They had to work on the site without clothing to prevent disease transmission. Temperatures of 20 degrees below zero and lower were recorded at the time. When the wagons were opened, the semi-frozen boys climbed into them and lay on the warm bodies to find warmth. He had to drive them out with a stick.
The layman might believe they are reading the account of a madman. However, I can only assure you that I am prepared to repeat all statements under oath.
On my second visit to the burial site, I brought a small camera to take some clandestine photos on the premises. However, it was impossible for me to carry out my plan because, no matter where one stood, they were being observed by a sharpshooter, and execution would have been inevitable. I thought of the secretary from Kulmhof.
For a long time, I believed that Hitler had no knowledge of these terrible crimes until he boasted in a Reichstag speech to the whole world about having exterminated the Jews throughout Europe, or continuing to do so. It is perhaps the case that never before in human history has a crime of such magnitude passed over the Earth.
In Kolo, at the “Riga” tavern, several camaraderie evenings of the special command were held, with Gauleiter Greiser personally present on several occasions. Alcohol flowed abundantly, and tobacco products were unlimited. Greiser granted special leave and gave everyone a larger sum of money for their vacation.
The cremation of the bodies was carried out after various attempts in an approximately 3-meter-deep circular pit with a diameter of about 4 meters, which was lined with stones all around. A strong fire was built in the pit, and the bodies were simply thrown into it. The unburned tubular bones were removed and ground to dust on an artificial mill with motor drive, set up in a wooden barracks. Where this bone meal was taken, I do not know. It must have been large quantities.
During my last visit to the burial ground, where the sowing of gorse seeds was being carried out, Bothmann showed me the bone mill. In the barracks, there were a number of filled sacks. Bothmann said to one of the men there, who was tied up and working, “Izig, fetch a handful of flour from the sack.” The older man hurried to a sack and brought back two handfuls of snow-white, finely ground bone meal. Bothmann said to him, “Do you know what this is?” The man remained silent, and Bothmann said to him, “These are your fellow Germans.” The man said quietly and resignedly, “Well, what can one do.”
I could tell from his voice that he too was German. During this conversation, I heard pistol shots at the other end of the square where the fire was still burning. When I passed by later, there were five people lying next to the fire pit who had just been shot. They were lying face up, with a thin streak of blood across their faces. They had been killed by gunshot wounds to the head.
During the burning of the bodies in the open pits, perhaps driven by madness, one of the men who had to throw the bodies into the fire suddenly jumped from the edge of the pit into the flames. One of the surrounding officers shouted, “Shoot, shoot.” Perhaps it was one of those who still possessed a tiny spark of humanity. Another shouted, “Don’t shoot, we want to see how long he screams.” With a watch in hand, they determined how long the man screamed until he fell silent. (Statement by Bothmann, Witness: District Administrator and District Leader Becht)
All these degraded creatures, there is no other way to describe them, were surely once decent people. They surely once prayed to the Lord as children under the guidance of their mother, attended religious instruction, and were confirmed. What has Nazism turned them into?
In the old castle in Kulmhof, the murder of 250,000 people from the German and Polish states took place. The process unfolded as follows: The people were separated by gender and taken to a room covered with boards, where they were told to undress and prepare for bathing. After undressing, they were herded into a small adjacent room where a small electric bulb was burning. They were packed tightly into the room. Then the two doors of the room were locked, and the electric light extinguished. This small room was nothing but the truck specially built for this purpose. Inside the truck, bottles of carbon monoxide gas were installed, which, upon opening a valve, flowed into the interior of the truck through narrow pipes.
The first people, when they entered this small room, were probably really under the impression of entering a primitive bathing area. However, it was probably known to those who arrived later what awaited them. According to Plaate, they sometimes had to be driven into the room with sticks. Bothmann once said that during peak times they “disposed of” 3,000 people daily. Whether these people were all really dead when they were placed in the pit, no one can answer that question.
When all the pits were emptied and the remaining people had sown the gorse seed, planted the pine and birch trees, these remaining people were also “disposed of” and burned. The special commando then withdrew, leaving only a few men. The old castle in Kulmhof was blown up and completely leveled to the ground, the stones were removed, and the debris was leveled in such a way that an outsider would never think that there had been a larger building there. Perhaps at this site, where a quarter of a million innocent people lost their lives, a monument will be erected one day, commemorating one of the most terrible events in human history.
In the spring of 1944, Bothmann suddenly reappeared with the special commando and once again demanded larger quantities of firewood. The victims were now transported by the narrow-gauge railway to the immediate vicinity of the burial sites after the reconstruction of a blown-up narrow-gauge railway bridge. The gassing took place right there on the site. I am no longer aware of the details, as I did not have access to the site. The commando, as indicated by pre-printed letterheads, was no longer referred to as the Kulmhof Special Commando but rather as the Bothmann Special Commando.
An incident that took place during the poisoning on the burial ground in 1944 and illuminates the sheer animal brutality of Bothmann, I would like to mention. A young woman who is supposed to enter the poisoning chamber breaks into wild screams and repeatedly cries out, “I don’t want to suffocate, I’d rather be shot.” “You can have that, girl,” says Bothmann, raises the pistol, and shoots her down.An older woman with her daughter, pale with horror and terror on her face, begged to be allowed to kill herself. She asked for a rope. Bothmann threw her a bra from a bundle of clothes lying around. The daughter lay on the ground while her mother wrapped the straps around her neck. When the mother pulled tight, the daughter screamed in horror. With diabolical grins, Bothmann and his henchmen watched the scene. “See, aren’t we more humane?” he said. “So, go into the truck,” he said. (Bothmann’s own statements; Witness: District Administrator and District Leader Recht).
The immediate leader and executor of the Special Commando was, as mentioned earlier, Bothmann. His immediate superior and main responsible person was SS-Oberführer Ramzoch. I have often tried to broach the subject of this horrific destruction in higher circles of officials. Incomprehensible to me was the indifference always displayed, with which people passed over it. Perhaps the indifference was only a mask, and behind it was the fear of revealing oneself and being judged there. Every right had long ceased to exist in the Warthegau. There was only one right, and that was the orders of Greiser and his executioners.