Sonderkommando Lange

As Wilhelm Rediess declined to pay 10 Reichsmarks for each institutional inmate killed by the Sonderkommando Lange in Soldau and requested a decision from the Reichsführer-SS, Wilhelm Koppe reiterates his position on this matter to Karl Wolff, chief of the personal staff of the Reichsführer-SS. Koppe notes that he "took 1,558 troublesome people away from the Higher SS and Police Leader Northeast for alternative accommodation" and emphasises "it was necessary for a Kommando from my office to stay in East Prussia for 17 days". He stresses that East-Prussia's "Gauleiter Koch has agreed to cover all expenses associated with this order". Additionally, the payment will be also used to fund "Sonderkommando Lange's stay in Holland ordered by the Reichsführer-SS with over RM 3,000".
Contemporary Source

1940-10-18 Letter from Koppe to Sporrenberg: “The so-called Sonderkommando Lange …evacuated 1,558 sick individuals from the transit camp in Soldau”

In the letter of 19 October, 1940, the Higher SS and Police Leader of the Warthegau, Wilhelm Koppe, disclosed to his counterpart in East Prussia, Jakob Sporrenberg, that “the so-called Sonderkommando Lange…evacuated 1,558 sick individuals from the transit camp in Soldau” in the period from May 21 to June 8, 1940. Koppe mentions that Sporrenberg’s predecessor, Wilhelm Rediess, had agreed “at that time that an amount of RM 10.- should be paid for the evacuation of each sick person”. At the beginning of the operation, the “leader of Sonderkommando Lange, Kriminalkommissar Lange, took an advance of RM 2,000.- from the Inspector of the Security Police and the SD in Königsberg”. Koppe requests from Sporrenberg the “transfer the remaining amount of RM 13,580”. The document provides insight into the administrative and logistical aspects of early Nazi extermination operations, particularly how they managed and funded the tasks involved SS and police units.

Perpetrator

Plate, Albert – Deputy Commander of Kulmhof Extermination Camp

At the end of 1941, the SS-Sonderkommando leader Herbert Lange recruited Plate to the extermination camp Kulmhof. After the departure of SS-Obersturmführer Herbert Otto in early 1942, Plate assumed the position of acting camp commander until the camp’s dissolution. In this role, Plate was a key figure in the extermination of Jews at Kulmhof. He personally shot members of the Jewish work commando selected for execution.

Contemporary Source

1942-05-01 Letter from Arthur Greiser to Heinrich Himmler: “The action of special treatment of around 100,000 Jews in my district…will be completed in the next 2-3 months…the existing and incorporated Sonderkommando”

On May 1, 1942, Arthur Greiser, the Reich Governor in the Reichsgau Wartheland, relayed to Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler that “The action of special treatment of around 100,000 Jews in my district, which you approved in agreement with the Chief of the Reich Security Main Office, SS-Obergruppenführer Heydrich, will be completed in the next 2-3 months”, pertaining to the death toll of Kulmhof extermination camp. Additionally, Greiser proposed “to eradicate cases of open TB within the Polish ethnic group here in Warthegau” by “using the existing and incorporated Sonderkommando after the Jewish action”, suggesting the involvement of Sonderkommando Lange (then under the leadership of Hans Bothmann) in the extermination of Poles with open tuberculosis.

Contemporary Source

1942-02-28 Letter from Heinrich Müller to Martin Luther: “Geheime Reichssache (1005)…alleged incidents in the course of the solution of the Jewish question in the Warthegau”

On February 6, 1942, Martin Luther of the German Foreign Office forwarded an anonymous letter to Gestapo chief Heinrich Müller. The letter concernced “alleged incidents in the course of the solution of the Jewish question in the Warthegau”. In his response to Luther two weeks later, classified under the reference number “Geheime Reichssache (1005)”, Müller acknowledged misconduct against Jews in the Warthegau, noting that “where the axe falls, chips will fly”. However, he pointed out that these “measures” were often exaggerated to elicit sympathy and foster hope for an end to them. Müller emphasized that “the Jew tries to escape his well-deserved fate.” The letter is considered as a starting point for the later operation known by the codename “Aktion 1005.”

Contemporary Source

1940-09-18 Letter from Seith to Redieß on Sonderkommando Lange: “besides the unforgettable comradeship and farewell evening in Soldau, this gift is the only recognition of our mission”

The letter, dated September 18, 1940, is addressed from SS-Oberscharführer Wendelin Seith to the Higher SS and Police Leader of East-Prussia SS-Gruppenführer Wilhelm Redieß. Seith, serving as a driver for Sonderkommando Lange, expresses gratitude for receiving an amber box as gift for their mission in Soldau, noting the challenges faced and the lack of recognition except through this gift. Redieß forwarded the letter to Karl Wolff, chief of the Personal Staff Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler. This document stands as one of the earliest explicit references to Sonderkommando Lange within contemporary German records.

Sonderkommando Lange in Kalisz / Kalisch
Contemporary Source

1941-12-01 Memo by Police Kalisz on Sonderkommando Lange: “List of Jews with children under 14 years were transferred today”

The document describes the fate of 127 individuals identified as “Jews with children under 14 years,” deported from Kalisch by the Sonderkommando Lange on December 1, 1941. Notably, the memo recounts the escape of Mojsie Nejmanowicz, Sara Nejmanowicz, and Nechemja Nejmanowicz from the camp. Additionally, it mentions that the possessions of the deportees will be collected by the “Gestapo.” See also the report by the same author regarding a prior deportation supported by local police in Kalisch.

Memo of Hauptmann Speckmann from police Kalisch / Kalisz on Sonderkommando Lange dated 22 November 1941
Contemporary Source

1941-11-22 Memo of Police Kalisch on Sonderkommando Lange: “an official of the Special Representative of the Secret State Police…informed that the Jewish action had been temporarily finished”

This document of November 22, 1941 was written by Hauptmann Speckmann from the regular police in Kalisch (Kalisz) and describes procedures for the deportation of Jews by Sonderkommando Lange. The killer commando is referred to as “official of the Special Representative of the Secret State Police.” The handwritten memo provides detailed instructions regarding guard duty. Furthermore, it discusses the consolidation of areas and the apprehension of escaped Jews. The document concludes with the temporary stop of the so-called “Jewish action” as ordered by Sonderkommando Lange, withdrawal of guard duty and the transfer of workshop keys to an official of the Economic Office. Thus, the document provides some valuable insights into the logistics of the deportation of the Jews during the phase when Sonderkommando Lange operated as a mobile killing unit.

Contemporary Source

1942-01-24 Report of the Health Office Warthbrücken (Kolo): “the Jewish work detail employed in Kulmhof has been strictly isolated…it is housed in the Kulmhof Castle at night”

In January 1942, authorities in the Warthegau region grappled with the spread of typhus originating from Sinti and Roma victims, who had been deported from the Litzmannstadt ghetto, to the extermination site of Sonderkommando Kulmhof. At least half of the Polish workers in the Sonderkommando were infected. The local health office detailed these typhus cases in Kulmhof in a letter to the president of the government of Hohensalza (Inowrocław) on January 24, 1942. The report referred to the camp staff as “members of the Sonderkommando” and the Polish laborers as the “Polish working detail,” each group housed separately. Additionally, it mentioned the “Jewish working detail,” who were accommodated in the palace of Kulmhof.

Contemporary Source

1941-09-02 Memorandum of SS-Sturmbannführer Höppner: “the ultimate fate of these displaced ethnic groups unwanted in the Greater German Settlement Areas—whether the goal is to secure a certain life for them permanently or to eradicate them entirely.”

On September 2, 1941, Rolf-Heinz Höppner, head of the Central Migration Office in Posen, outlined plans for reorganizing the office to address the impending task of “resettling millions of people”. Höppner stressed that it is “essential…to have complete clarity from the outset about the ultimate fate of these displaced ethnic groups unwanted in the Greater German Settlement Areas—whether the goal is to secure a certain life for them permanently or to eradicate them entirely.”

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